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First as Tragedy, Then as Farce
by Slavoj Zizek
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Reviewed by: John Walsh
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The bad boy of philosophy, Slavoj Zizek arouses strong emotions wherever he goes, relentlessly talkative and so full of provocative opinions they appear to burst out of him as if by some sort of mechanistic device beyond his control. When, as is often the case, he talks or writes about the psychoanalysis of Lacan or the philosophy of Hegel and Marx, his impact is somewhat limited to the now limited circle of people able and willing enough to understand what he is saying to be outraged or inspired. However, in First as Tragedy, Then as Farce, Zizek expounds his views on modern politics and, being as uncompromising as ever, he is likely to cause more of a stink than usual.
The book is divided into two principal sections, although there are the usual excursions and sidebars along the way. The first section is called "It's Ideology, Stupid!" and outlines the thesis proposed by the title: observing that Marx corrected Hegel's claim that history repeats itself to include the tragedy-farce couplet, Zizek argues that the two defining events of the young century are the terrorist attacks in the USA of September 11th, 2001, and the economic crisis that first became evident in 2008. He observes that "[t]he only truly surprising thing about the 2008 financial meltdown is how easily the idea was accepted that its happening was an unpredictable surprise which hit the markets out of the blue" (p.9). According to Zizek's approach, these two events were not only avoidable but inevitable given the economic and societal systems in place in the western world. That the farcical element (of the economic collapse--farcical because it was predicted so many times, like in a pantomime where the crowd is calling out to the actors "Behind you! He's behind you!") the tragic element is liable to raise a more emotional response. As far as I can tell, the critical passage in this respect appears on pp.76-7, where Zizek describes liberalism (which is demanded by capitalism in one form or another) and fundamentalism as a "totality" and that: "The paradox is that liberalism itself is not strong enough to save its own core values from the fundamentalist onslaught. Its problem is that it cannot stand on its own: there is something missing in the liberal edifice. Liberalism is, in its very notion, "parasitic," relying as it does on a presupposed network of communal values that it undermines in the course of its own development.* Fundamentalism is a reaction - a false, mystificatory reaction of course - against a real flaw inherent within liberalism, and this is why fundamentalism is, over and again, generated by liberalism." Teasing all of this out occupies the first part, where the ideological underpinnings of so much of modern society are described and delineated (including the canard that modern liberal capitalism is not an ideology).
In the second section, Zizek outlines "The Communist Hypotheses" as the only proper and meaningful response to the current situation (well, to any situation, presumably). Just as liberalism is undermined by fundamentalism, only the presence of a strong Left can keep the world on its bearings. However, given practical difficulties, Zizek resolves that it would be necessary to stick to the Idea of Communism as adhered to by colleague Alain Badiou. This requires strict adherence to the four "invariants:" strict egalitarian justice, disciplinary terror, political voluntarism, and trust in the people. Of these, only the second and perhaps the third have been observed in previous iterations of Communist societies. Zizek's dialectical method (I am told by others that the dialectic is not a method so perhaps I misunderstand the whole thing) requires him to pursue reversals of situations and premises (where thesis meets antithesis) and the complex procedures by which the two create the synthesis (aufbehung, as Hegel calls it--a process in which all changes but much is retained), in ways which demand careful reading and consideration. His work is also customarily shot through with jokes, often obscene (it is I take it a Freudian-Lacanian thing) and with examples and comparisons drawn from popular culture, although he rigidly rejects the postmodernist idea that popular culture is naturally an equal partner to expressions of high culture. All of this is contained in 157 readable and compelling pages--well, I can imagine how others would differ. I myself question some of his methodology--like Noam Chomsky, for example, his examples can appear to be cherry-picked and stripped of some aspects of context which appear necessary (he even descends to the use of Wikipedia at one stage, which I forbid my students from using as a reliable source) and without the depth of data analysis which we poor social scientists rely on for confidence in our conclusions.
* As an obvious example, the idea that the defence of liberal values can best be managed by removing many freedoms, instituting torture and kidnapping and so forth.
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